11 February 2011

To Win the Future, Constrain Pentagon Spending

Project on Defense Alternatives, 11 February 2011

Excess defense spending is sapping our long-term economic strength. We need to find a new balance, if we hope to win the future. No serious effort at economic reform can afford to exempt the Pentagon because it presently consumes more than half of discretionary spending and 20% of the total federal budget.

The bipartisan Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform recently outlined possible defense savings of $100 billion per year. So did several other deficit reduction efforts, spanning the political spectrum. These savings apply only to the non-war portion of the budget. They would roll back planned increases in spending, producing future budgets about 4.5% lower than 2010's. 

Some say savings on this scale are "too much." What’s really been too much is the unprecedented rise in defense spending since 1998 – up 100% in inflation adjusted dollars. 

The jump in defense spending has been responsible for more than 60% of the rise in discretionary spending since 2001. The additional money that has been showered on the Pentagon since 1998 – almost $3 trillion – is equivalent to all our recent economic bailout & recovery costs. 

About half of the extra money allotted the Pentagon since 1998 was due to recent wars. But a significant part is due to undisciplined planning, budgeting, and management – not war or security needs. The Pentagon has run its business as though America has trillions to burn. It is the only federal bureaucracy that persistently cannot pass an audit.

The result? Today we are burdened with a military budget equal in size to the biggest budgets of the Cold War era – although we face no adversary today remotely as large as the former Soviet Union.

Defense savings plans – like that produced by the Sustainable Defense Task Force -- are modest remedies. They only would roll back Pentagon spending to the level of 2008, adjusted for inflation. Even the most ambitious defense-savings plans would give the Pentagon more inflation-adjusted dollars during the next decade than it had in the last. And spending would still be higher than Cold War levels. 

The Pentagon says this is not enough. It wants much more. It says that anything less than a significant boost in spending courts catastrophe. But the Pentagon already enjoys the lion share of military spending worldwide. How can that not be enough? Perhaps it’s time to send Pentagon planners back to the drawing board.

We can put defense on a sustainable basis if we are willing to rethink how we produce and manage military power – and how, why, and where we put it to use. To do any less would be a disservice to the nation.


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Supporting Facts and Argumentation

1. An unprecedented rise in Pentagon spending

The rise in the defense budget since 1998 has been almost 100% in real terms, which is unprecedented over nearly 60 years. It is nearly as large as the Kennedy, Johnson, and Reagan spending surges combined. As part of this, non-war spending has grown by more than 50% in real terms since 1998.

2. The extra money given the Pentagon since 1998 is comparable to recent economic bailout & recovery costs.

Since 1998, the Pentagon has received almost $3 trillion (in 2010 currency) over the level set in 1998. By comparison, the net cost of economic bailout and stimulus funds will also be about $3 trillion, after the sale of acquired assets. (Much of the rest of recovery funds have been "guarantees" that have not had to be paid out. Additional recent growth in the deficit is due to tax breaks and recession-related loss of revenue.)

3. Pentagon budget growth is responsible for one-half or more of the rise in discretionary spending.

Defense budget growth accounts for almost 65% of the growth in discretionary spending since 2001. Take war spending out of the budgets and it accounts for 51%. Either way, it has grown as a part of discretionary spending.

4. Pentagon budget growth partly due to an undisciplined strategy and budget.

One reason for the surprising growth in Pentagon spending has been the unprecedented decision to pursue major wars and a major military modernization programs simultaneously. Additionally, a lack of program and financial discipline has driven modernization costs upward. The wars have been exceptionally expensive because they are large-scale protracted occupations fought with a high-cost professional military. We didn’t build our military to fight this type of war.

As if the wars were not enough, the Pentagon has been steadily adding ill-defined missions to its roster for the past 15 years. Assessing the 2010 Defense Review, Congressman Ike Skelton said it seemed "to advocate for a force that is capable of being all things to all contingencies." His Republican counterpart, Buck McKeon, said is was "tough to determine what the priority is, what the most likely risk we face may be, and what may be the most dangerous." In short: there has been a refusal to prioritize threats and missions.

6. Defense savings plans would only roll back the Pentagon budget to the level of 2008.

The plan developed by the Sustainable Defense Task Force would provide an average of $507 billion per year (2010 dollars) to the Pentagon for its base budget. The 2008 base budget was about $504 billion in 2010 dollars.

7. Even the most ambitious defense-savings plans would give the Pentagon more inflation-adjusted dollars during the next decade than it had in the last.

During 2001-2010, the DoD base budget consumed $4.6 trillion. The Fiscal Commission’s caps, if applied proportionally to defense, would produce a budget exceeding this amount by 3%. The SDTF recommendations would exceed it by 5%.

8. The current budget exceeds the biggest budgets of the Cold War years.

In 2010, the Pentagon base budget was 25% above the Cold War average in real terms and a few percent above the Reagan high-tide budgets of the 1980s. The current DoD plan is to boost the budget another 12% on average in real terms for the next decade.

9. The defense savings plans produced by the President’s Fiscal Commission and the Sustainable Defense Task Force would keep future spending at Cold War levels.

Rolling back the DoD future spending plan by $100 billion per year would leave it a few percent below the Reagan level, but still well above the Cold War average. This option is what Secretary of Defense calls "catastrophic."

10. We can also measure change in terms of total money spent on the base budget over a decade to see that the Pentagon seeks a big boost, while defense savings plans allow a smaller increase.

  • The President’s FY 2011 budget plan foresaw allotting nearly 25% more money in real terms to the Pentagon’s base budget during the next decade than was given during the last decade.
  • The total Pentagon base budget planned for 2011-2020 initially exceeded $5.7 trillion.
  • Gates’ offer to roll back the plan by $78 billion barely dents it.
  • Taking out about $900 billion, as proposed by the Sustainable Defense Task Force, would still leave the Pentagon with 6% more dollars in the next decade than during the last.
How do these sums compare to budgets during the Reagan cold-war years? During 1981-1990, just over $5 trillion (in 2010 dollars) was allotted the Pentagon. So the Pentagon’s current plan would spend 12% more next decade, while the Sustainable Defense Task Force would spend 4% less.

11. The lion’s share of spending worldwide is not enough?

 Today the United States and its close allies account for 74% of world defense spending. Cutting the US budget by $100 billion would reduced this portion to about 72% - an option the Pentagon calls too risky.

06 February 2011

Poll: Public Favors $100 Billion Cut in Pentagon Annual Budget

A Review of Recent Polling on Defense Spending and Deficit Reduction

Contact: Carl Conetta, cconetta@comw.org

A recent poll on deficit reduction takes an interesting approach to querying the public about policy options:  First it informs participants about actual spending levels in discretionary accounts and then asks them to apply reductions, account by account.  The result: a mean reduction to discretionary spending of $146 billion.  Of this, the participants take $121.8 billion out of the defense account.  The lion share of the defense cut – $109.4 billion – was applied to the Pentagon’s base budget, which excludes war funding.

The poll was conducted in January by the Program for Public Consultation (PPC), a joint effort of the Center on Policy Attitudes and the University of Maryland’s School of Public Policy.

The public’s preference regarding defense cuts accords with the recommendations of various deficit-reduction reports issued last year, including those of the Sustainable Defense Task Force, the Domenici-Rivlin Debt Reduction Task Force, and the President’s bipartisan Commission on Fiscal Responsibility and Reform.  These found it both possible and necessary to roll back planned Pentagon budgets by as much as $100 billion per year.

How does the PPC poll compare with others on defense spending and deficit reduction? A January poll conducted by CBS affirmed majority support for cutting defense as part of deficit reduction – 52% versus 44% – but also found that defense was not as popular a target as some other programs. The preference for cutting defense was completely reversed in a separate poll conducted by Gallup and USA Today, which found 57% opposed to deficit-related defense cuts.  How to reconcile these results?

Gallup routinely polls the public on whether defense spending is too high, too low, or just right.  Since 2003, "too much" has consistently out-polled "too little."  In 2010, the split was 34% versus 27% – with a plurality settling on the status quo as "just right."  A January 2011 Rasmussen survey echoes the Gallup findings: support for defense cuts (32%) out-polls support for defense increases (27%), while support for the status quo registers 37%. 

When moving from a three-choice to a two-choice question (cuts: "yes" or "no"), one might expect the "too little spending" and "just right" cohorts to band together and overwhelmingly oppose cuts by margins approaching 2:1.   But this is not what the recent deficit reduction polls show, even when a majority is found to oppose cuts.

Much of the difference among the polls is due to context – policy context and information context.  Economic concerns clearly predominate today.  And the clamor for federal spending cuts is strong.  In this context, support for constraining or rolling back military spending has grown stronger, too.

Of course, wording also matters.  The CBS poll that found majority support for defense cuts used the phrase "reduce defense spending," while the Gallup poll that found the reverse asked about cuts to "the military and national defense."  Mentioning the military may invoke a "support the troops" frame.  And "the military" may have a more positive resonance with the public than does "defense" on its own.  By contrast, the CBS poll's option to "reduce defense spending" keeps the focus on the act of spending, which may remind participants that the point of the exercise is deficit reduction.

Most important: support for substantial cuts in the Pentagon budget grows dramatically when poll participants know the actual level of defense spending and know how it measures up relative to (i) spending in other areas and/or (ii) the amounts that other nations spend on defense.  This is made clear in Rasmussen polls that test support for setting US defense spending as some multiple of what other nations spend.  For instance, in the Rasmussen polls, 40% respond that the United States need not spend three times as much as any other country – although, in fact, it certainly spends at least five times as much.  As the multiple goes up, support for spending goes down.

What do these findings portend for achieving substantial defense savings?  Much depends on what people know.  Also, much depends on people’s relative concern about the economy.   If fear of military threats and worry about military weakness increase in prominence relative to economic concerns then support for cutting defense may decline.   In this light, Defense Secretary Gates’ claim that any substantial rollback in future spending plans risks catastrophe or calamity – whether true or false – could help push popular opinion back toward its pre-crisis balance.


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